Wat vinden de boeddhologen er van? Van vipassana en van het 'geëngageerde' Chinese boeddhisme bv? Van der Braak en een overzicht van het IABS-congres

Een paar weken geleden vond er een congres plaats van de 'International Association of Buddhist Studies'. Van boeddhologen over de hele wereld dus. Zie hun  Homepage .
Om een indruk te krijgen van de breedte en rijkdom van dit congres, de  List of Abstracts .
Het aantal bijdragen is ver boven de honderd. Heel wat vind ik interessant; ik noem er hier slechts een paar die misschien voor nog een paar Nederlandse boeddhisten de moeite waard zijn.
De abstracts van deze selectie van mij staan integraal onderaan deze blog.

* Meditatie als aspect van de beoefening
Met name de verhouding tussen vipassana en samatha (jhana) is hierbij van belang; maar ook (voor mij nieuw) in nr 1, de verhouding tussen Mahayana en het vroege boeddhisme.
Papers hierbij zijn:
( 1)  'Avoiding the Void: Ambivalence toward Samādhi and the Realization of Emptiness'
       door Stephen Jenkins;
( 2)  'Not Differentiated, Nor ‘Yoked’: A New Light on the Relationship between
       the four jhānas and the Practice of satipaṭṭhāna',  door  Keren Arbel
( 3)  'Was Insight an Intrinsic Quality of the Meditative State of jhāna in
       Early Buddhism? ',  door Grzegorz Polak

* Compassie en liefdevolle vriendelijkheid    Papers zijn hier:
( 4)  'Compassion in the Āgamas and Nikāyas' ,  door Bhikkhu Analayo
( 5)  'Great Compassion in Indian Buddhism',  door Samaneri Dhammadinna
( 6)  'Confluence: Adoption and Adaptation of Lovingkindness and Compassion
        Practice in Buddhist and Secular Contexts ',  door Dawn Neal.
Zeer bruikbaar is de indeling van Analayo (van het dikke boek www.milinda-uitgevers.nl/asoka/boek/3159/satipatthana-de-directe-weg-naar-bevrijding ):
- Compassie in actie, vaak genoemd 'compassie in het dagelijks leven' en
   misschien ook wel: compassie zoals de bodhisattva probeert te hebben;
- Meditatieve compassie, zoals die met name vandaag de dag wordt beoefend (en 'getraind')
Waarom in de Theravada vooral de liefdevolle vriendelijkheid (metta) en in de Mahayana vooral de compassie (karuna) de nadruk krijgt, is me ook na het lezen van deze papers niet duidelijk.

* Geëngageerd (ook maatschappijkritisch) boeddhisme
Twee bijdragen die o.a. ook gaan over meditatie in een hedendaagse vorm: 'mindfulness'.
( 7)  'Modern Configurations of Meditation, Selfhood, and the Secular ',  door David McMahan
( 8)  'Consuming Nothing: Psychotherapy, Capitalism, and Buddhism ',  door Richard Payne
Een interessante verbinding is de blog van Payne over de talk van McMahan. Een citaat over iets dat mij ook opvalt: "A point that I found particularly interesting was suggested by McMahan when he discussed the detached, non-judgmental, and therefore objective observer, which some forms of mindfulness represent as the goal of practice. He pointed out that “non-judgmental bare attention” hardly describes the full range of practices found in the Satipaṭṭhāna sutta, the text that many teachers of modernist mindfulness claim as their textual authority."  Bron:  Blog Payne

* China:  de in de paragraaf over van der Braak (hieronder) genoemde nrs. 9, 10 en 11.

* En als toetje: waarom reizigers (langs de Zijde Route bv) boeddhist werden/worden
(nr. 12)   'The Appeal of Buddhism to Travelers along the Silk Road ',  door Daniel Veidlinger.
Over de verspreiding van het boeddhisme langs de Zijde Route heb ik eerder dit jaar geschreven (zie  6 januari  en  1 mei )
Het aantrekkelijke van deze lezing over de 'Appeal' is voor mij de vraag: waarom heeft het boeddhisme voor ons (Westerlingen) zo'n aantrekkingskracht? En speciaal voor de reizigers onder ons. Om het pathetisch te zeggen: zijn we niet allemaal reizigers ?

=======================================================================

En de Nederlandse boeddhologen, gaven die acte de présence in Wenen?
Misschien onder 'gewone deelnemers', maar in de lijst van inleiders ben ik alleen Jonathan Silk, de hoogleraar boeddhisme aan de Universiteit van Leiden, tegengekomen. Met een Engelstalige inleiding (uiteraard) getiteld 'The Domains of Canonicity in Buddhism'; over wat het veel gebruikte begrip 'Canon' is het boeddhisme eigenlijk betekent.
Verder ook uit Leiden: Berthe Jansen met een bijdrage onder de titel 'Annoying Lay-People: Public Opinion and Vinayic Concerns in Tibetan Monasteries (12th to 20th Century) '

Echter geen van de andere twee boeddhisme-hoogleraren in Nederland.
Van Paul van der Velde uit Nijmegen is dat te begrijpen, zijn taakopvatting is vooral het boeddhisme (en het hindoeïsme) aan Nederlanders uit te leggen, niet zozeer om het wetenschappelijk te bestuderen.

Maar bij André van der Braak ligt dat anders. Hij is (vanaf eind 2011 'bijzonder' en vanaf medio 2012 'gewoon') hoogleraar boeddhistische filosofie in dialoog met andere tradities bij de VU te Amsterdam. Met hem is iets bijzonders aan de hand.
Ik doel op een verslag in het blad 'BoeddhaMagazine ' over een bezoek aan een boeddhistisch klooster in Beijing met als belangrijkste door onder andere Jules Prast (en mij) bekritiseerde zin: “Het Chinese boeddhisme is een geëngageerd boeddhisme, .... Het gaat erom je handen uit de mouwen te steken en mee te helpen bouwen aan een betere samenleving (de beroemde Chinese harmonious society)."

Natuurlijk, deze column zelf is geen wetenschappelijk artikel, maar hierover is medio augustus een voor de Nederlandse boeddhisme en boeddhologie zeer relevante discussie geweest.
Zie hier en hier en hier en hier .
Een discussie over hem maar zonder hem. Vandaar dat ik in een mail van 21 augustus André van der Braak heb opgeroepen, er publiekelijk op te reageren. "Op een door jou gekozen plaats maar zo dat de reactie elders overgenomen mag worden, door bloggers en (boeddhistische) journalisten. En zo dat reactie er op mogelijk is " , zo schreef ik verder.
Helaas heeft hij tot op heden (1 september) niet op deze oproep gereageerd.

Mogelijk acht hij zich vrijgesproken doordat in het BD is gewezen op een ander artikel van zijn hand waarin hij met iets meer distantie over deze thema's schrijft: www.vriendenvanboeddhisme.nl/html/boeddhisme_in_china.html
Daar staat trouwens ook een (in mijn ogen) merkwaardige uitspraak in: "Religie mag van de overheid, maar moet wel maatschappelijk nuttig zijn. Navelstaren wordt niet ondersteund.
Maar navelstaren zit ook niet in de Chinese traditie. Het boeddhisme is altijd heel praktisch en nuchter van aard geweest. Het gaat uiteindelijk om compassie, dienstbaarheid, om het goede te doen en het slechte te laten. Onze westerse nadruk op het realiseren van een of andere verlichtingservaring heb ik in China niet zo opgemerkt, maar eerder de nadruk op het sjouwen met bakstenen, het metselen van muurtjes, het vertalen van soetra's, en het zingen van de service elke ochtend vroeg."
Tweeduizend jaar Chinees boeddhisme wordt hier samengevat op een uiterst generaliserende manier, zonder enig bewijs; het lijkt er daarbij meer op dat hij het over Confucianisme heeft.

En o, ja: een paar van de abstracts van op het congres gegeven inleidingen gaan (enigszins) over dit thema. Echter: in geen ervan identificeert de auteur zich, zoals André van der Braak enigszins doet, met een overheid of heerser.
Namelijk (nr. 9)  'Touring Mount Putuo: Commodification, Buddhism, and State Capitalism in China '  door  Courtney Bruntz;
en (nr. 10)  'Filial Piety and Political Issues in Ancient China '  door  Xing Guang .
En paper (nr. 11)  'Becoming Lay Meditation Teachers in Contemporary Chinese Societies: Cases in Hong Kong and Taiwan '   door   Ngar-sze Lau geeft een heel andere indruk van boeddhisme in China dan bovengenoemd citaat over niet-navelstaren.

Helaas ken ik geen wel-wetenschappelijk artikel van André over het thema geëngageerd en praktisch Chinees boeddhisme, terwijl het toch belangrijk genoeg is. Dat is een andere reden waarom ik deze oproep aan hem in deze blog over boeddhologie opneem:
   Ik begrijp niet waar de wetenschappelijke artikelen van deze hoogleraar blijven:
(a) niet op het terrein van zijn leeropdracht,
(b) niet op het terrein van de boeddhistisch geestelijke verzorging en
(c) niet op het gebied van de samenwerking tussen de VU (Godgeleerdheid) en
     de Chinese overheid en boeddhistische tempels.
Onder 'wetenschappelijk' versta ik dan: in een gerenommeerd tijdschrift met anonieme reviewers en/of als paper geaccepteerd door een congres als dat van de IABS. Ik begrijp gewoon niet dat dat kan.
Of gaat het onderzoek 'Multiple religious belonging: hermeneutical and empirical explorations of hybrid religiosity ' het worden?  Zie  NWO - Samenvatting

Als er nieuws is van of over André van der Braak, meld ik dat hier of in een update of in een vervolg-blogartikel.

=======================================================================

Eerste update, 1 september 11 uur

Op de website van White Jade River een recent artikel over de verhouding tussen boeddhistische tempels en autoriteiten in China.  Zie  www.buddha-dharma.eu/00t21.html
Een citaat "Lu Chen van de Epoch Times bracht op 17 augustus het nieuws dat een tempel in de Chinese Yünnan-provincie het regionale en lokale bestuur heeft weerstaan.
Het districtsbestuur van Jinning, en het voorstadsbestuur van Jincheng hadden besloten dat de Panlong-tempel een toeristenbestemming zou worden.
Gaan we niet doen, was de reactie van de abt en zijn monniken. Ze plaatsten een bord bij de ingang waarop staat 'Vanwege het feit dat het Jinning County-bestuur en de Jingcheng township-overheid de Panlong-tempel wensen te commercialiseren en corporatiseren, en daarbij de gang van zaken in de tempel op zijn kop zouden zetten, heeft de tempel vandaag besloten om de poorten voor enige tijd te sluiten om een rustige meditatie-omgeving te waarborgen. Wij vragen uw begrip en vergiffenis.'
...
Een onafhankelijke, in Amerika gevestigde commentator als Xia Xiaoqiang, die overigens niet objectief hoeft te zijn, liet desgevraagd weten dat alle tempels in China in principe inkomengenererende eenheden zijn geworden voor lokale partij-bonzen. Terwijl ze hier een inkomen verwerven, zegt Sjaa Sjaaw-sjàng, verspreiden ze de illusie van religieuze vrijheid. "

Tweede update, 3 september

Hoewel geen reactie van André op het bovenstaande, wel een artikel van hem dat er enigszins verband mee houdt. Ook voor degenen die graag alles van hem willen lezen, een tekst over Multiple Religious Belonging .
Ik heb daar ook over geschreven, zie  Mijn reacties  op de aankondiging van een studiedag door 'NieuwWij' hierover.

Derde update, 10 september

Hoewel niet n.a.v. de blogs van Jules Prast of mij, heeft André van der Braak wel weer van zich laten horen.
In een artikel in Trouw wordt hij opgevoerd als deskundige n.a.v het bericht als zou de Dalai Lama gezegd hebben dat er na zijn overlijden er geen opvolger zal komen /hoeft te komen. Met een commentaar dat kant noch wal raakt. Zie  Trouw 8 september
Dit bericht is een canard, een volstrekt verkeerd begrepen interview zoals het Boeddhistisch Dagblad ook moest toegeven. Zie  BD 8 september
Dat André geen deskundige is op het gebied van het Tibetaans boeddhisme en de Tibet-politiek is geen schande (dat ben ik ook niet). Maar waarom spreekt hij er dan over?

=======================================================================

BIJLAGE

ABSTRACTS (van enkele op 19-23 augustus 2014 uitgesproken inleidingen)
(Het is een selectie van mij gebaseerd op mijn subjectieve interesse; de nummering heeft geen andere betekenis dan hulpmiddel bij verwijzingen hierboven)

( 1)  Avoiding the Void: Ambivalence toward Samādhi and the Realization of Emptiness
door Stephen Jenkins, (Humboldt State University, GBR)

Ambivalence toward meditation generally and particularly the direct meditative realization of emptiness played a role in the Mahāyāna’s rhetoric of superiority, practical ethics, and path. Bodhisattvas are told to view samādhi as an intoxication that undermines compassionate engagement and to avoid it like Avīci hell. They are particularly warned not to directly realize emptiness as arhat’s do. Bodhisattvas study, analyze, and investigate emptiness, while skillfully applying special upāya to avoid its direct realization. Compassion generating meditation techniques served to prevent the premature "fall into emptiness" and thus ensure samyaksambodhi. When “acceptance of the non-arising of all dharmas” is achieved by a bodhisattva, Buddhas must intervene to rouse them and prevent the cessation of their compassionate activity. Realization of emptiness was considered ethically problematic, not an automatic trigger for compassion. The distinctive identity of the Mahāyāna was not seen in its conception of ultimate reality, but in its ability to ensure the attainment of all the qualities and powers of a Buddha before engaging in its direct realization.

=======================================================================

( 2)  Not Differentiated, Nor ‘Yoked’: A New Light on the Relationship between the four jhānas and the Practice of satipaṭṭhāna
door  Keren Arbel, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, ISR)

Buddhist scholars and contemporary academics have long been intrigued by the relationship between samatha or concentration meditation, which traditionally includes the four jhānas and the four formless attainments (arūpa-samāpattis), and vipassanā or insight meditation, described as the practice of satipaṭṭhānas. The existence of what appear to be two different types of meditative techniques in the Pāli Nikāyas evoked a difficulty in understanding the relationship between two significant path factors: sammā samādhi (i.e., the four jhānas) and sammā-sati (i.e., the four satipaṭṭhānas). If the jhānas are a meditative procedure leading to one-pointed absorption which is disconnected from sense-experience how can it be combined and integrated with a meditative technique that aims at seeing (vipassanā) the true nature of phenomena? If the four jhānas are states of deep absorption that do not reveal anything about the nature of reality, a borrowed element from Indian contemplative traditions, how can we explain their central position in the Nikāyas' liberation scheme?

Up until now academic literature about the phenomenology of the four jhānas and their relationship with the practice of satipaṭṭhāna has been recapitulating, for the most part, traditional Theravāda interpretations. According to Theravāda texts and most Buddhologists the attainment of the four jhānas is not liberative or distinctively Buddhist. A common supposition is that the practice of satipaṭṭhāna is the only Buddhist innovation while the attainment of the jhānas is common to Indian contemplative traditions.

In contrast this paper will argue that the fourfold jhāna model is uniquely Buddhist, even though the term itself has been adopted from the Indian “pool” of contemplative terms. It will offer a new interpretation of the phenomenology of the four jhānas and their relation to the practice of satipaṭṭhāna by analyzing descriptions of the jhānas in the Nikāyas, independently from traditional Theravāda explications. By calling into question fundamental assumptions concerning the structure of the meditative path in the early Buddhist texts, this paper will suggest that there is a clear correlation in the Nikāyas between the attainment of the four jhānas and the gradual maturity of the practice of satipaṭṭhānas. It will show that the structure of the path as it is presented in the Nikāyas is more complex than the common hierarchal-polarized model in which the development of the jhānas is preliminary at best to the practice of vipassanā. First and foremost, this paper will challenge the traditional positioning of the four jhānas under the category of ‘concentration meditation’. Contrary to the traditional Theravada's view that one can ‘bypass’ the four jhānas, as they are not really ‘Buddhist’, this presentation will offer examples how the jhānas are the actualization and embodiment of insight practice (vipassanā). In conclusion, this paper sheds a new light on the fourfold jhāna model and its liberative role in the Pāli Nikāya.

=======================================================================

( 3)  Was Insight an Intrinsic Quality of the Meditative State of jhāna in Early Buddhism?
door  Grzegorz Polak, (Maria Curie-Sklodowska University, Lublin, Konskowola, POL)

The precise nature and status of jhāna meditation in early Buddhist soteriology remains to be one of the most controversial subjects of early Buddhist studies. Amongst the most unclear issues connected with jhāna meditation is its relation to meditative insight. There appear to be fundamental discrepancies related to this issue in the Suttapiṭaka itself and in the later Buddhist meditative texts. These discrepancies appear to be sometimes difficult or even impossible to reconcile. In this paper I will attempt to present a model of meditative insight as an intrinsic quality of the jhāna state through an interdisciplinary approach relying on textual studies as well as on the new developments in the field of rapidly developing cognitive sciences. I would like to point out and analyze several fundamental difficulties connected with the traditional Buddhist model of insight understood as a meditative method on its own, distinct from jhāna meditative state. I will attempt to propose an explanation of how and why the original concept of insight as an intrinsic quality of jhāna state underwent a radical evolution, which has unfortunately lead to both textual discrepancies and serious problems on a practical and psychological level. In order to provide a plausible model of insight as an intrinsic aspect of jhāna state, I will also refer to some important new developments from the field of cognitive sciences, which provide a new way of explaining how human cognition works. In order to show that my model is possible on a practical level, I will also like to point out some meditative developments from the later history of Buddhism, where insight was seen in a somewhat similar way.

=======================================================================

( 4)  Compassion in the Āgamas and Nikāyas
door  Bhikkhu Analayo, (Uni of Hamburg & Dharma Drum Buddhist College, Jinshan, TWN)

The paper will explore two main aspects of the description of compassion in the early Buddhist discourses found in the Pali Nikāyas in comparison with their counterparts preserved in the Chinese Agamas and, whenever extant, in Sanskrit fragments and Tibetan translation:

1)“Compassion in action”, which is usually referred to with the term anukampā. Such early Buddhist compassion in action seems to find its expression predominantly in teaching activity. This in turn provides significant indications on the conception of compassion within the framework of early Buddhist thought.

2) “Meditative Compassion”, karuṇā, which nearly always occurs within the context of the four brahmavihāras. The paper will the standard description of meditation practice of karuṇā as a boundless radiation. This points to a form of practice without a specified object and thus appears to be quite different from the descriptions in later manuals that have influenced modern day practice.

=======================================================================

( 5)  ‘Great Compassion’ in Indian Buddhism
door  Samaneri Dhammadinna, (Dharma Drum Buddhist College, New Taipei City, TWN)

This paper presents a historical study of textual sources testifying to the emergence of a soteriology of ‘great compas­sion’ (mahākaruṇā) in Indian Buddhism. This development both reflects and plays a part in several doctri­nal and religious changes that eventually will provide the signature of Mahāyāna practices, where ‘great compassion’ becomes para­mount within the ‘augmented’ meditative and experiential field of the bodhisattva.
The historical excursion through a selection of texts to be presented in the paper – ranging from Abhidharmic sources to a number of bodhisattva texts of the Middle Period, Mahāyāna sūtras as well as meditation scriptures such as the so-called Yogalehrbuch – begins with the extrapola­tion of compassion (karuṇā) out of the fourfold scheme of the immeasurables (apramāṇas) or divine abodes (brahmāvihāras) and the projection onto compassion and then ‘great compassion’ of an apriori motivational function in the spiritual path. The primacy of this new mode of compassion entails a major soteriological shift. The notion of teach­ing the Dharma for liberation – the main aspect of the compassionate solicitude (anukampa) of the Buddha and the arhats – is largely replaced by the (great) compassion of the bodhisattva, functional to a salvific pro­gramme comprising all beings. Here the attainment of great compas­sion possesses a unique meditative power towards the achieve­ment of omniscience (sarvajñā) as an essential characteristic of a Buddha. With mahākaruṇā gaining philosophical and religious primacy within Indian Buddhism, related meditative objects and areas of investigation such as emptiness and conditionality come also to be philosophically requali­fied.
With doctrinal and religious changes of such magnitude in place, the key role performed by ‘great compassion’ in the Mahāyāna ideological discourse, with regard to rhetorical and polemical discourses vis-à-vis the Śrāvaka-/Hīnayāna, and the core identity itself of the Mahāyāna movement, i.e., the undertaking of bodhisattva vows and precepts, becomes easier to understand historically.

=======================================================================

( 6)  Confluence: Adoption and Adaptation of Lovingkindness and Compassion Practice in Buddhist and Secular Contexts
door  Dawn Neal, (Institute and Sati Center for Buddhist Studies, San Francisco, USA)

Contemporary Buddhists are adapting lovingkindness and compassion praxis. Using a few specific vignettes, I will explore how the distinct practices of lovingkindness and compassion are being borrowed and adapted both in Buddhist religious traditions, and in secular environments.
This discussion examines the adaptation process from two perspectives. First, I will explore how some teachers adapt lovingkindness and compassion practices. Second, I will highlight some textual sources used by those adapting or secularizing lovingkindness and compassion practices, including the Mettā Sutta and the Visuddhimagga, perhaps the most influential Theravāda compendium in contemporary Buddhism. The phrases and categories of lovingkindness praxis in the Visuddhimagga now appear nearly verbatim in teachings of secular compassion practice. This cross-fertilization occurs directly between Buddhist traditions as well. For example, the Mettā Sutta has been adapted for use in American Soto Zen communities.
In short, this paper provides a small amount of primary research documenting the adaptation of praxis and textual sources within contemporary Buddhism and the secular practices of lovingkindness and compassion derived from it.

=======================================================================

( 7)  Modern Configurations of Meditation, Selfhood, and the Secular
door  David McMahan,  (Franklin & Marshall College, Lancaster, USA)

Buddhist and Buddhist-derived meditation and mindfulness practices have undergone profound changes in the modern period. From their sole institutional home in the monastery, they have now taken their place in the most prominent secular institutions, such as corporations, public universities, public health care systems, and even the US military. The rhetorical reconfiguration of meditation practices as modern technologies of the self for increasing the freedom and effectiveness of modern selves in secular societies has been, and continues to be, essential for their inclusion in secular institutional settings. This paper examines the transcribing of meditation and mindfulness from indigenous Buddhist categories into categories of modern secularism. This has involved the rhetorical reframing of Buddhist meditation and mindfulness practices as secular, even scientific endeavors. What models of the mind and the human being are operative in this rhetoric? What is at stake in such reframing?

Many promoters of Buddhist and Buddhist-derived meditation and mindfulness practices in recent decades have emphasized their “non-religious” character, distancing them from the “religious” elements of Buddhism. In many western countries, separation of church and state requires that secularism serve as a kind of “filter” to strip away the “religious” elements of meditation, leaving it a technique to achieve various forms of well-being, instrumental effectiveness, and human enhancement as conceived in modern societies. This is a continuation of the discursive thrust of certain modes of Buddhist modernism that have been developing for over a century.

Exploring this reconfiguration not only helps the historian of religion understand one of the most momentous transformations and recontextualizations of Buddhist meditation in its history, it helps analysts of culture discern the boundaries of the modern conception of the secular itself.

=======================================================================

( 8)  Consuming Nothing: Psychotherapy, Capitalism, and Buddhism
door  Richard Payne, (Institute of Buddhist Studies, Los Gatos, USA)

This presentation explores how from the second half of the nineteenth century into the present the three way relation between Buddhism, capitalism and psychotherapy has affected the representations of Buddhism. Although frequently considered a recent development, the interaction between Buddhism and psychotherapy dates from the earliest popularization of Buddhism in Europe and the United States. Consequently, Buddhism has always been “psychologized” in its Western representations, which I have addressed previously. This essay extends this line of inquiry by giving particular attention to the role of capitalism in the formation of this psychologized Buddhism.

The inquiry will develop over four topics. The first considers “Buddhism as an Object of Consumption.” This may be the most familiar dimension of the relation between capitalism and religion generally, having been subject to several critiques. This section considers aspects of consumption, such as commodification, class, communication, and celebrity, as interconnected parts of the marketing of Buddhism.

The second topic, “Instrumentality and the Denaturalizing of Meditation,” examines the capitalist portrayal of technology as value- and context-neutral. This understanding of technology molds the representation of Buddhism by treating meditation as a mental technology. Thus “denaturalized,” that is, both decontextualized and dehistoricized, meditation is easily integrated into a medicalized therapeutics. The ironic consequence of the instrumentalization of meditation is that it reinforces the ego’s sense of being an autonomous agent, though its control may only be over one’s own emotions. Thus, rather than moving toward a realization of anātman, the instrumentalization of meditation as mental technology reinforces the sense of the ego’s autonomy.

“Puritanism and the Project of Buddhist Self-Help” is the third topic. Puritan notions regarding the moral obligation for self-improvement provide the background for analysing the links between Buddhism as psychotherapy and Buddhism as self-help. The culture of self-help plays an important role in the construction of the self under late capitalism. The morally obligatory character of self-improvement nests with the self as consumer to create a completely open-ended project of self-perfection through the consumption of morally acceptable “spiritual” goods. Thus, “transformative experience” becomes socially accepted as an object of desire. Necessarily evanescent, and therefore requiring repeated consumption, makes this a perfect product. Here we also see the commercial utility of the Romantic conception of religion as experience, which dates from the beginning of the nineteenth century, and has become widely accepted dogma regarding the nature of religion.

Last, the question of how capitalist commodification is transforming systems of authority is examined under the fourth topic, “Degrading Hierarchy, Longing for Authenticity.” While faux-populism degrades traditional hierarchical claims to authority, e.g., those based in the Vinaya and other monastic codes, consumer capitalism employs rhetorics of authenticity. Authenticity also engages nostalgia for an idealized Other. Frequently this is in terms of stability, harmony and an “enchanted world,” created as the semiotic opposite to the present as unstable, conflictual and a “disenchanted world,” i.e., characterizations of traditional versus modern, employed as claims regarding authenticity.

=======================================================================

( 9)  Touring Mount Putuo: Commodification, Buddhism, and State Capitalism in China   door  Courtney Bruntz, (University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Lincoln, USA)

China’s economic reforms following its 1978 opening up have ushered in new market strategies and industries that are shaping religious landscapes. Historically, its four sacred Buddhist mountains have always held interactions with surrounding market economies, as inns, teahouses, and commercial shops upheld the pilgrim’s journey. However, with an expansion of China’s economic market and an establishment of state capitalism, the nation’s Buddhist mountains are contemporarily commodified in ways that promote certain practices of Buddhism over others. Using field work I conducted at Mount Putuo in China’s Zhejiang Province, I argue that in its state capitalist system, government-owned tourist corporations have revitalized Buddhist practices at the mountain, with the determining factor being whether or not that practice resembles values of nationalism.

China’s economic reforms and adaptation of capitalism resulted in a system in which markets are tools for national interests – or at least the interests of the ruling elite. In state capitalism, the means of production are often privately owned, but the state has much control over investment and the allocation of credit. Often the interests of large-scale businesses are advanced and protected – including corporatized government agencies. Pertinent to the study of contemporary Buddhism in China, one of these industries that has been advanced is the tourism one that is dominated by government-owned agencies. By investing in tourism at China’s four Buddhist mountains, government companies are in the position to protect the locations as cultural relics and embed the sites with Party ideology, and they are also in the position to determine which Buddhist locations and practices are more heavily advertised than others. This in turn affects the cultural value of a location, and its associated activities. Investigating Mount Putuo, I argue such government investments in tourism have resulted in a commodified space where the mountain’s: 1) Buddhist identity and connections to the Bodhisattva Guanyin are promoted and rebranded under nationalism; 2) abstract and concrete qualities are secularized; and 3) temple complexes and auspicious locations are re-configured to meet current standards of tourism.

This work contributes to the panel “Buddhism under Capitalism” reinforcing the necessity to evaluate the ways that economic structures, and their corresponding consumerist frameworks, modify Buddhism’s cultural value. Furthermore, it evidences how the emergence of capitalism in China has resulted in a competitive market where Buddhist sites compete with one another and with other religious and entertainment opportunities. This competition is generated by a state monopolized tourist industry that institutionally supports Buddhist landscapes while restructuring locations to meet values of nationalism. For studies of contemporary Chinese Buddhism, this work pointedly evaluates where in economic activity restructuring occurs, the exchange parameters through which Buddhism is consumed, and the cultural values embedded within such exchanges.

=======================================================================

(10)  Filial Piety and Political Issues in Ancient China
door Xing Guang, (Centre of Buddhist Studies, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, HKG)

When Buddhism was first introduced into China, it faced many challenges and criticisms from local Chinese people, particularly Confucian scholars. The criticisms of Confucian scholars were mainly on ethical grounds, because the Buddhist way of life primarily focuses on individual liberation through moral perfection, which is very different from Confucianism, which chiefly focuses on family and society. In particular, the life of Buddhist monks, who were required to be celibate, shave their heads, and leave their homes and families, was incompatible with Confucian practice of filial piety as found in the Confucian Xiao Jing. This became a political issue in the Eastern Jin dynasty (265-420) when Huan Xuan came into power. A minister named Yu Bing reported to the emperor that monks should be ordered to pay respect to the emperor by kneeing down before him, otherwise Li or propriety would be interrupted as they did not do so in the previous dynasties. Thus the debate whether monks should pay homage to the emperor became a political issue and continued for several hundred years. This is actually a continuation of the criticism of filial piety because the Confucian text Xiao Jing discusses filial piety with a focus on politics. Thus, filial piety is called loyalty when the object is the emperor. Chinese Buddhists, both the lay and monastics such as the eminent monk Huiyuan, on the one hand, debated and argued that monks also paid their homage to the emperors in their heart and mind, but not in a manifested way. On the other hand, the Chinese Buddhists started the practice of paying debts to four kinds of people: parents, sentient beings, the emperor and Buddhism, which is taught in the Dasheng ben shengxin di guan jing, translated into Chinese by Prajñā in 790. But in another scripture, the Zhufo Jingjian Shezhengshi Jing, also translated by Prajñā, the emperor is placed as the first amongst the four. This became a regular practice in monasteries throughout China in the Tang dynasty and the monks also taught their disciples the teaching of paying debts to the four kinds of people. The Chinese Buddhists practiced the four kinds of kindness in the following ways: first, they made vows in ceremonies to pay their debts to the four kinds of people, second, they recited verses in morning and evening chanting of paying the four kinds of debts. Thus later there was no such a debate as whether the monks should pay homage to the emperor. This paper is a study of the practices of four kinds of kindness in Chinese Buddhism.

=======================================================================

(11)  Becoming Lay Meditation Teachers in Contemporary Chinese Societies: Cases in Hong Kong and Taiwan   door  Ngar-sze Lau, (ISCA, University of Oxford, Oxford, GBR)

This paper examines the role played by lay meditation teachers in promoting the recent meditation movement in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Although modernism of Chinese Buddhism has been started under the notion of humanistic Buddhism since early Twentieth Century by Venerable Taixu and some lay reformers, meditation practices have never played a key role in the series of reforms. Nevertheless, with the influence of the Buddhist revival and Buddhist modernism in Theravada Buddhist countries, such as Sri Lanka (Bond 1988; Gombrich and Obeyesekere 1988) and Burma (Jordt 2007), transnational meditation practices have been transmitted rapidly to Chinese societies such as Hong Kong and Taiwan in the past two decades with the context of modernisation and globalisation. These transnational meditation practices are from various traditions including Thai forest tradition, vipassanā meditation from Burmese tradition and globalized secularized mindfulness-based programmes such as MBSR (Mindfulness-based Stress Reduction Programme) and MBCT (Mindfulness-based Cognitive Therapy) from the West. Not only scriptures and books on meditation were translated to Chinese from Pāl̥i or English, but also talks and retreats were frequently organised, and transnational meditation centres were built. Lay meditation teachers have been involved in changing Buddhism by localizing and promoting the newly transmitted meditation practices. George Bond (2003) argues that the emergence of lay meditation groups have challenged the traditional authority by creating new forms of sectarianism in Sri Lanka. However, drawing on fieldwork done as a participant observer in Hong Kong and Taiwan, in this paper I will argue how, in the Chinese context, the lay meditation teachers have constructed their new legitimized identity from the established local Buddhist authority, though some female teachers have taken leading roles. Besides, with reference to the discussion about the decontextualisation and recontextualisation of Asian religious practices (Schedneck 2012), I will also demonstrate how the established Chinese Buddhist authority has tried to gain social legitimacy from the globalised meditation practices, related to science and health. Furthermore, by comparing the similarities and differences of Hong Kong and Taiwan, political, economic and cultural factors which contribute to the changes of Buddhism will be explored. This paper may shed light on the discussion of future development of Buddhism in Chinese societies.

=======================================================================

(12)  The Appeal of Buddhism to Travelers along the Silk Road
door  Daniel Veidlinger (California State University, Chico, San Francisco, USA)

Buddhism has been associated with travel and transportation since its inception. The Buddha himself led a peripatetic life wandering from town to town preaching his Dharma, and Aśoka sent missionaries travelling far and wide. Travelling merchants were the most prominent early converts to Buddhism and their importance in the religion continued for a long time. Symbols representing the various faiths of the world include natural phenomena such as the moon for Islam or fire for Zoroastrianism, but the Wheel of Dharma makes Buddhism the only religion that is traditionally represented by a means of transportation. Not just wheels, but other vehicles such as rafts, chariots, elephants, and even flying palaces are also prominently featured in the Buddhist imaginaire. Later, the word yāna, a generic term for vehicle, came to be used to refer to the different schools of Buddhism. Transportation terminology was essentially the domain of the Buddhists, and for good reason. This paper will explore the importance of travel in the development and acceptance of Buddhist ideas themselves, and will show that the changes in worldview undergone by one traveling from place to place, encountering along the road different ways of thinking, dressing, speaking and living are likely to foster in such a person an interest in the ideas and practices embodied in Buddhism. The psychological effects of travel forced those on the journey to wrestle with their previously accepted local truths, drawing them instead to Buddhism’s universal outlook and rejection of culturally specific social restrictions or religious rituals in a manner that fit more closely with the cosmopolitan experience of the world that they were now having. Looking at what can be garnered from sites such as Dunhuang, Kashgar and Khotan, this paper will focus on exploring the affinity that Buddhism has for travelers as one possible explanation for its remarkable success along the Eurasian transportation networks known as the Silk Road and will end by suggesting that this also helps to explain the religion’s currency amongst the wired, urbane, well-travelled classes of today.